A cultures written record, if it has one, is an important and vital way to access its past.  Though this can never give a complete picture of the nature of a society it is through such a record that we are linked to those who lived and breath the reality of that which we seek to comprehend. The Germanic people left such a record, carved in wood and stone, etched on metal and bone, time has preserved for us mysterious glimpses of their past. Their unique script, known as runic, was seen as a source of mystical power and was believed to be derived from the Gods, indicating a recognition and reverence for the power of language.  Even the name of the script is etymologically linked to the concept of mysteries or secrets while in another sense it is linked to an act of speech.  This essay will concentrate on the nature and uses of the runic record in Scandinavia.  While there is ample evidence of early vernacular writing from continental Germanic peoples and indeed the Anglo-Saxons, it is Scandinavia and particularly Sweden which has been the richest source for the runic script. Particular emphasis will be placed on the use of runes on memorial stones which have become one of our primary runic sources and are the oldest linguistic monuments of the Scandinavian people.  In examining the nature and uses of the runes this essay will not only demonstrate the diverse nature of the script but also consider what the inscriptions can tell a modern researcher about the nature of Norse society.

By approximately 200 CE the art of writing, although rudimentary, was practiced by the Germanic peoples [1] .  The script they used, known as runic, was a unique cultural manifestation and seems to have been inspired by the alphabets of the classical Mediterranean cultures [2] .  The origin of the script is much debated although its development must have been reliant on some degree of familiarity with a foreign alphabet and some exposure to that culture's literature [3] . Whether the originator of the runic script was one individual or a group, access to a model on which the script could be based would have been essential [4] .  Without such an understanding it is unlikely that a complex phonetical system could have developed in isolation [5] .  Yet the development of this script did not initiate an extensive written culture such as existed in the Mediterranean. This technology had the potential to radically change the nature of Germanic society, yet despite this the most Northerly Germanic people, the Scandinavians, were to maintain a vital oral culture for centuries.  That they did not take up this technology with any great force cannot reflect an inability to do so, it must be assumed that orality was more suited to the Scandinavian way of life [6] . 

It was the arrival of Christianity which eventually caused the cultural transformation which displaced orality and brought a strong literate culture to the Scandinavian people. Yet for some time Christianity had to coexist with paganism, a largely peaceful cohabitation as is attested by archaeological evidence from Svealand where some 650 Christian rune stones exist alongside pagan burials [7] .  That runes were used in Christian monuments demonstrates that they were not viewed as exclusively pagan despite the notion that they were considered a gift from the pagan god Odhinn.  Odhinn has two important attributes which are relevant to his connection to the runes: his association with poetry and his perpetual quest for knowledge.  Runes were seen as a linguistic technology, a form of knowledge and like poetry one that only the wise could manipulate.  In this sense it would seem natural that they become associated with this knowledge seeking God of poets.  That the ninth century inscription on the Sparlosa stone states that the runes are "of divine origin" (runaR thaR raeginkundu) [8] further attests to the divine origin of the runes.  The adjective raeginkundu only occurs in Norse literature in one other instance, in the Eddic poem Havamal (strophe 80) [9] .

Runic inscriptions occur on a variety of objects from wood and bone to steel and stone, on any surface on which they can be cut, scratched or chiselled [10] .  The script is thought to have been designed to be cut into wood primarily and only later adapted to a variety of other mediums.  Continental writers such as Venantius Fortunatius (6th century) and Hrabanus Marcus (9th century) [11] tell how the Germanic people cut runes on wooden boards, this anecdotal evidence has been supported by many archaeological finds such as those at Bergen.  The archaeological evidence for runes on wood is unfortunately not as well attested as are runes on stone which is largely due to the highly perishable nature of  wood.  There is also etymological evidence of this connection between runes and wood, the Old Norse term Bokstav (German- Buchstabe and Old English- Bocstaef), used to indicate a letter or character, originally was a reference to a rune cut into wood, specifically beech wood [12] .  The modern English word 'book' is also etymologically linked with the concept of writing on beechwood or any other wooden medium [13] .       

The earliest Scandinavian runic inscriptions are third century finds associated with funerary deposits and are mostly metal objects such as spear blades and brooches.  One example of such a find is the Mos spear blade from Gotland.  These inscriptions use a twenty four rune Futhark [14]   which appears to have been common to the Germanic linguistic group and is attested by some 200 finds.  Of these early inscriptions 50 have been found in Sweden, an area rich in runic inscriptions [15] .  It was not until around the end of the eighth century that this elder Futhark began to be superseded by the sixteen rune 'Younger Futhark' in Scandinavia.  Many of the earlier inscriptions prove difficult to interpret and it is for this reason that many have remained largely uninvestigated. A number of these inscriptions although difficult to interpret appear to be personal names, even the sequence of the text or whether the inscription is a verb or a noun are difficult to determine [16] .  One of the greatest barriers to interpretation is the paradigmatic gap between twentieth century scholars and the Germanic people of the first centuries of our era, we simply do not know what they thought was an appropriate inscription for the various items which they used [17] .   A silver brooch,  part of a 3rd century grave deposit found at Gardlosa Sweden, is a good example of this difficulty, the inscription on the brooch (I unwod) has been interpreted as 'the calm' [18] .  This inscription is thought to be a name, although it is unclear whether this is a personal name or a nick name or a name for the brooch, it is also possible that the inscription might have some magical purpose.

One of the most important types of runic inscriptions are in the form of memorial stones, many of which have skilful pictorial additions.  An example of this type of stone is the Mojbro stone, erected in about 500 CE in Uppsala Sweden, probably in memory of a dead chieftain or warrior named Frawaradar (the resourceful).  The picture on this stone is that of a warrior on horseback  with shield and upraised weapon, accompanying him are two animals which are quite probably dogs [19] .  It is possible that the highly animated picture on the stone is a representation of the dead man which the inscription commemorates, although it might be based on images of Roman cavalry [20] .  The Proto Norse inscription (frawardaR anahahaislaginaR) comprises twenty five runes reading from right to left and bottom to top.  The first element of the inscription is a personal name, the second element has been interpreted as "was slain on the horse" [21] .  This inscription is rather exceptional for a memorial stone of the 'primitive' Norse period, as many of the inscriptions give only a personal name and often they bear no pictorial adornments.  For example the inscription (fino) on a stone at Berga has been interpreted as the feminine personal name Finna [22] .  These inscriptions are important for the study of early Norse society as they not only provide indication of funerary practice but they also give an indication of the nature of personal names in this period.

During the Viking age (C. 800-1100 CE) runic inscriptions seem to vary in intensity.  Danish memorials are mostly of tenth century origin and seem to have died out early in the eleventh century.  In Sweden there is a relative lack of inscriptions from the ninth and tenth century and it is not until the eleventh century that the practice of raising memorial stones seems to have become popular [23] .  This is not to say that the early part of the Viking age saw a decline in Swedish runic literacy, it may be that the fashion for rune inscribed monumental stones began in Denmark and spread to Sweden.   It is more likely to represent a variation in funerary custom then a sudden increase in Swedish literacy and it is probable that before this period inscriptions were mainly on perishable materials such as wood [24] .  In fact the ninth century Rok stone from Ostergotland, is an example of the exceptional literary ability of  the Swedes during the early Viking period.  This monument to a dead Kinsman mixes prose writing with the alliterative verse forms reminiscent of the migration age, and like them is rich in allusion to heroic lays and legends, providing valuable insight into the literature of the ninth century.  This stone, a memorial to the literary ability of the Swedes, also contains a runic cipher which further challenges the reader's ability to interpret the message [25] . 

The broad geographical context of these eleventh century inscriptions highlights the mobility and restlessness of spirit which marks the Viking age and to an certain extent runic monuments commemorate voyages just as much as they commemorate  fallen kinsmen.  Many such memorials speak of Vikings who died in the East, probably a reference to what is now modern Russia, the Smula stone recounts "they met death in the host in the east" [26] .  The most famous group of stones commemorating eastern voyages are the Ingvar stones, a group of nearly 30 stones which were raised in honour of men who had died in 'Serkland' [27] , possibly Khazaria, between the Caspian and the Black Sea [28] .  Of all the foreign references Greece or 'Grikkland' is the most common land mentioned in runic inscription, this is probably a general reference to the north east Mediterranean rather then a specific country [29] .  Memorials tell of the profit to be won in Greece, the Ulunda stone tells of a warrior who "went boldly, wealth he won out in Greece" [30] a temptation which might have proved irresistible to the ambitious and adventurous youths of the Scandinavian peninsula. Interestingly the Byzantine Emperor was to make use of these Scandinavian visitors who were formed into the Emperor's private sentry, which became known as the Varangian guard.  Viking presence in Greece is also attested by the now illegible, runic inscription carved into the Piraeus Lion which once adorned the harbour entrance at Porto Leone in Athens [31] . 

The Varangians of Miklegard (Constantinople) were not the only travellers to enter the employ of Kings, many who travelled to England in the eleventh century served in King Canute's [32] Royal Guard the Thingmannalid [33] . The rune stone from Landeryd bares witness to one such warrior, "Varing raised the stone in memory of Tjalve, his brother, the 'draeng' who served with Canute."  Not only does this stone directly mention Canute but the name of the man who raised the stone, Varing, is etymologically linked to the Varangians [34] .  This significant inscription bares reference to men who served both in the east and in the west, demonstrating the vigour of Viking travel.  Westward voyages were common, the second most common foreign land attested to in runic inscriptions is England, once again many Swedish stones attest to men who had lost their lives abroad.  A poignant runic monument from Navelsjo in Smaland reads "Gunnkel placed this stone in memory of Gunnar, his father, Rode's son.  Helge laid him, his brother, in a sarcophagus in England in Bath" [35] , an inscription which commemorates the location of a kinsman's burial and provides vernacular evidence for Viking presence in southern England.

Memorials were not the only manner in which Scandinavian people paid tribute to the dead, civil works were often performed to honour dead members of a kingroup, although this was common another motivation for such work was personal hubris.  Regardless of the motivation many runic inscriptions in Sweden commemorate the building of roads, bridges and the clearing of Thing sites, activities which benefited the entire community and so were thought to be meritorious [36] .  The Bro stone from Uppland, raised by a devoted wife, Ginnlog, also marks the building of a bridge and both these works were carried out in honour of her dead husband Assur.  That these were violent and uncertain times is also indicated in the inscription, as it tells that Assur "kept watch against the Vikings" [37] , implying that there was a need to guard coastal areas against raiding.  With the coming of Christianity many of these works were conducted to help the soul of the dead in reaching heaven.  Jarlabanke's causeway at Taby is one of the best known public works of this sort, four stones were raised to commemorate the building of this bridge, one of which reads: "And he made this bridge for his soul", a metaphorically apt expression for one seeking divine favour.

Runic inscriptions are essentially the first form of vernacular Scandinavian literature, many of these inscriptions are verse, in terms of metre most follow the fornyrdislag narrative metre which is used in Eddic poetry.  Many of these poetic rune stones bear the name of the person who inscribed the stone, in a sense they are the first vernacular literature that we can assign to an author [38] , significantly even in the fifteenth century much Scandinavian vernacular literature was anonymous [39] .  These stones demonstrate the age of the Scandinavian poetic tradition showing that the alliterative metre common in Norse poetics can be traced from the twelfth century back to the primitive Norse period in the fifth century [40] and ultimately to a common Germanic origin.   The inscriptions  also contain examples of poetics which were to become common in the courts, the Karlevi stone (circa 1000 CE) holds a complete stanza of drottkvaett metre and the Rok stone uses kennings which were later popularised by in Skaldic poetry [41] .  The Bergen inscriptions also contain many verse inscriptions which provide an insight into the strength and vitality of the folk culture of the Scandinavian people which in this case has persisted into the twelfth century and is contemporaneous with the vernacular Icelandic saga literature.

The stones are more then just literature, they are also forms of decorative art, an art which shows a feel for proportion and a superb sense of linear rhythm.  This art form is the final expression of animal ornamentation which was common amongst the Germanic peoples [42] .  Gotland is the primary source of these pictorial representations, which allude to myths and legends known throughout the Germanic world, of particular popularity are the story of Sigurd the slayer of Fafnir and the story of Volund the smith which is depicted on one of the Ardre stones as well as the Franks Casket [43] .  Like all forms of literature the runes are not the exclusively for artistic or monumental purposes and have been used for a variety of mundane purposes such the sending of messages.  Some of the different forms of correspondence include trade documents, merchants labels, military plans as well as personal messages, some of which are quite long [44] .  Many such documents have come to light amongst the finds at Bryggen in Bergen, they are often cut into small and insignificant pieces of wood which may account for there lack in the runic record.  These finds have also given some indication of the extent runic literacy had reached by the twelfth century [45] , demonstrated by inscriptions which are as mundane as a message to "buy some fish while in Bergen" [46] . 

Generally the debate on the use of runes tends to be divided between those who believe that they served a utilitarian purpose and those who believe that they are a magical script.  This would seem to assume that the 'primitive' Germanic world is one that was clearly divided into these two distinctive categories, it necessarily assumes that a culture recognises a substantial gap between the sacred and the profane.  This assumption is influenced by the highly secularised world view of many modern researchers who tend to view the sacred world as something which is extraneous to the more prosaic social reality, the sacred is viewed as an epiphenomenon of the social.  R.I. Page claims that the runes were considered by their users as a script like "any other script" [47] and so would have used them "for practical day to day purposes" [48] .  While it can not be denied that they were used for everyday purposes, this statement assumes some sort of privileged access to the consciousness of early Germanic people, it assumes that we can 'know' why they behaved as they did. The inconsistency of Page's position is clear when it comes to interpretation of the inscriptions which he believes are impossible to decipher due to the otherness of the 'primitive mind' [49] .  It would seem that Page's argument is determined by an ideological stance which would view runes as essentially a secular phenomenon, which have from time to time been used for religion and magic.  A more balanced view accepts that in 'primitive' societies writing represents a blurring between the natural and the supernatural [50] , it is seen as a mysterious technology that can only be manipulated by the wise. 

That the runes have been used in connection with magic cannot really be doubted, however the question for many is whether the runes themselves were thought to be imbued with power.  Once again we must consider the figure Odhinn and his relationship with the runes. Odhinn is seen as the master of all magic, central to the Odinnic myth is his winning of the runes through ritual self sacrifice [51] (Havamal. 138-139).  It is through this sacrifice that Odhinn gains control of language and its magical power, he becomes the master of speech.  Through his ordeal he grows in insight and wisdom, verse and poetry flow from his lips, he masters the nine mighty songs of Bolthorn (Havamal  140-141) [52] , he becomes the master of inspirational utterance [53] .  Performative speech, that is speech which is some how causally effective at a material level is essential to the magical tradition. This can be seen in spells and charms, like the Merseburger charms, which derive there power from the spoken word.  This connection is further attested in the Germanic tradition by the word for magic Galdor which literally means incantation, something which is chanted [54] .  The carving of runes can be seen as an extension of this principle, it becomes the performative act or the performative image which is a reflection and possibly amplification of performative speech [55] .  This principle is demonstrated in Egil' Saga where the bard uses a combination of runes and verse to uncover a poisoned horn of ale [56] .  Even as late as the twelfth century, the use of runes for magic persists as is shown by the Bergen rune staves, these contain a variety of inscriptions ranging from the secular to the sacred.  Amongst them are also magical charms, one of which seems to indicate that the cutting of the runes is causative in the performance of magic "I cut runes of help, I cut runes of protection, once against the elves, twice against the trolls and thrice against the ogres" [57] . 

The runes are a vernacular testimony to the private lives of the ancient Scandinavian people which strain to cross the void of time and cultural otherness.  They give much important information about Scandinavian culture before, during and after the Viking age. Importantly they also provide us with diachronic information on the Old Norse Language which can enrich our understanding of later Norse vernacular texts.  Runic memorials to dead kin not only preserve the names of an age long past but also leave a stark reminder of the obligations of kinship.  They tell of journeys to other lands, daring deeds and through them we can learn how lives where lived and lost. Many claim that this script was primarily utilitarian and was only secondarily used for magic.  However it must be recognised that to a society which believes in magic no such distinction can be made as, naturally, magic would be considered a utilitarian practice.  The runes have been used for a variety of purposes, from magic and memorials to the mundane.  However just because they are linked with the sacred does not exclude them from profane usage.  Conversely, because runes have been used for mundane purposes we cannot conclude that they were not considered sacred.